The Other Orientalism and the Challenge and Opportunities for the Church in Goa
By Fr. Victor Ferrao,
Edward Said’s magnum opus, Orientalism, has exposed the epistemic violence of the West . In the same vein Dipesh Charavorthy has laid bare how we Indians have cultivated and exoticized Europe of our imagination. While we can be can sympathize with the noble projects of both Said and Chakravorty , we cannot certainly accept that there is a single monadic, essentialist and substantive conceptualization of oreintalism or grant that there is a single imagination of Europe. Both Said and Chakravorty admit the complexities of their theoretical frameworks. Yet one might trace that majority of the Indian intellectuals seem to feed on the Anglo-germanic orientalism and have almost forgotten that there are other orientalisms that operate parallel to the mainstream orietalism that they follow. This main stream orientalism has almost orientalized the intellectuals of India. Some have become sucked into the project of construction of the orient as mystical other of rational Europe. This attempts have succinctly been psychoanalytically nuanced as the shadow side of the West by Ashis Nandy , which functions as the inversion of the West. Since enlightenment, the dominant representation of Western culture seems to have subordinated its own aspects of culture and tradition that are viewed as Dionysian ( those trends that have been viewed as irrational, poetic , uncivilized and feminine as opposed to the Apollonian). The projection of the mystical character on the orient legitimated the domination as well as colonization of the East by the West.
The subaltern studies collective and postcolonial scholars like Gayatri Sipvak, Homi Bahaba, and others have produced a substantive critique of orientalism and have exposed the politics of knowledge that produced the asymmetrical power relations within the West and the East. But all these studies have mostly dealt with the Anglo-germanic shades of orientalism and have not considered the lusophonic orientalism. The lusophonic orientalism cannot be reduced to a mono-form of a stereotype. There is definitely dynamic pluralism into it. But the fact that it is forgotten by Indian intellectuals is certainly impoverishing our intellectual gaze. This lusotopic orientalism that was experienced by the Goans can definitely open new windows to look at India. Goans have not only experienced lusotopic orientalism but have also have been swept by an indology soaked in Anglo-germanic orientalism. Hence, this study attempt to de-center the power relations involved in the history of ideas both as subject of analysis and disciplinary regime of institutionalized knowledge. Hence, lusoptopic orientalism is an alternative orientalism that can illumine both how we view India as well as Goa. Indeed, this project has the potency to explore how the main stream orientalism that has become the heritage of all continues to affect us and can be renewed from and for the marginal locations like Goa.
Hence, we join the movement that is greeted as Occidentalism. It is a counter field of research that is developed in the orient to study the West from the Non-Western point of view. The West in its quest to expand its borders attempted to understand the people of the East better in order to dominate better. Thus, orientalism was born as a western activity, an expression of Western Elan Vital , determining the power of the relationship of the West and its other, between the Europe on one side and Asia, Africa and Latin America on the other side. Orientalism converts the West into a knowing subject and the East into a known object. But Occidentalism switches a change in the roles of the East and the West as the East becomes the knowing subject and the West becomes the known object. The Cogito ergo sum of the West becomes studio ergo sum of the East. Among the different shades of Occidentalism, one must prefer a constructive Occidentalism that strives to build a sane inter-subjective relationship between the East and the West.
Thus, Occidentalism is a de-colonial movement. It is an attempt to shift the balance of power within the politics of knowledge. The Occidentalism that I have proposed in this context is different from the one that is studied by the Ian Buruma and Avishai Margalit in their Book Occidentalism: The West in the Eyes of its Enemies which tries to capture the hostile Islamist reaction to the West. Our use of the term Occidentalism is also not associated with the use of same by Walter Mignolo, who uses it to refer to the universal cosmology or modernity monotopical while opting for a pluritopical pluriversality of worlds and knowledges otherwise. Mignolo succinctly argues that modernity is inescapably conjoined with history and reality of what he calls coloniality. Coloniality does not just refers to the Western covert colonial occupation, but also to the overbearing West’s ongoing economic, political, and epistemological domination throughout the world. He asserts that coloniality is the dark side of modernity. Occidentalism for Mignolo is the location from where the world was classified and ranked. What Mignolo calls occidentalism, is the point of reference that produced orientalisms.
We have deliberately chosen the term ‘other orientalism’ because it assists us to understand the intertwining of different shades of orientalims that afflict our country. All these orientalisms might have different occidentalisms underpinning them. But we use the word Occidentalism to mean the critique of these different orientalisms. Within this critique, we place the importance of Portuguese orientalism in a prime location because it was historically first as well as significantly different from the reigning Anglo-germanic orientalism. Though the term other orientalism is already used by Flipa Lowndes Vicente in his book, Other orientalisms: India Between Florence and Bombay, 1860-1900, to mean Italian orientalism that developed in Mumbai, I use it for its contrastive force that can help us to understand Lusotopic orientalism that is forgotten by the Indian intelligencia. Our work does critically view our society in the light of this other orientalism but at the same time attempts to explore the challenges and opportunities it offers in convergence to the British orientalism to the Church in Goa.
The Different Colonization of the Portuguese
Dutch Governor Antonio Van Diemen is said to have stated in 1642 “ Most of the Portuguese in Asia look upon this region as their fatherland, and think no more about Portugal”. With almost two centuries of colonial experience ahead of the British, expansion in Asia, the Portuguese had developed their own framework to interpret the cultures that they encountered. The Portuguese exhibited a different relation to the cultures they conquered. Alito Siqueira states that this policy of the Portuguese was christened as the doctrine of assimilados (assimilated ).  This means the Portuguese in Goa rather than seeing the difference laid the emphasis on the absorption of Goa and the Goans into the Portuguese culture and identity. This led to the lusitanization of the Goans. For the Goans to be lusitanized meant to be like the Portuguese. This lusitanization was interpreted as de-nationalization of the Goans by Dr. Tristao Braganza Cunnha. The project of assimilation and lusitanization was successful because of the myth of the absence of racial discrimination. Hence, the results were different from what has been described by Fanon in Black Skins and White Masks. Even in our Post-colonial times there Portugal has exhibited a strange possessiveness of the territories that it once colonized.
The Portuguese Imperative to Occidentalize
Siqueira states that there is a strong relation of identity and territory among the Portuguese. That is why the Portuguese having come into what we now call Indian Union much before the notions of evolution and racisms where generated in a post-enlightenment era in Europe, choose to Occidentalize (lusitanize) rather than orientalize the Indian as attempted by the British colonizer. This means its is argued that difference in the forms of Portuguese and the British colonization lie in the different historical periods their colonial enterprise operated.
We might understand the Portuguese colonization, if we consider the work Johannes Fabian that attacked the hegemonic ‘positivistic pragmatist’ philosophy of science and demonstrated that the temporal depiction of the other is stained by the ‘schizonic use of time’ . Fabian views it as the denial of coevalness’- a term that becomes the gloss for a situation , where the other’s hierarchically distancing localization suppresses the simultaneity and the contemporaniety of an ethnographic encounter. Such a temporal distanciation banishes the other to a stage of a lesser development. Fabian christens such a denial of coevalness as the ‘allochronism’ of anthropology. Thus, in the context of Portuguese colonial enterprise, we can trace a lesser degree of allochronism that their British counter parts. This is the reason why the Portuguese colonization that belonged to the pre-enlightenment era primarily exhibits the imperative to Occidentalize and when influenced by the enlightenment switches to a more forceful oreintalizing mode. The Portuguese orientalism by an large reduced difference into sameness. They viewed the other as a mirror of themselves. Yet it still inferiorized the other because they relegated the other to a stage in their own past. Therefore, it is said that the Portuguese perceived in the indigenous people they had conquered as reflecting their own ‘uncivilized Past’ which they wanted to erase and transcend. This is the reason why they took upon them the civilizing mission. One might see conversions to Catholicism in the 16th and the 17th century by religious fervor as well as the imperative to occidatalize in this light. Yet there was a clear hierarchy in the social order inaugurated by the Portuguese where the white Portuguese were on the top, next followed the Mesticos , third came the native Christians and lastly the ‘Hindus’ and the Muslims. The Portuguese sociological and historical discourse appears excessively derogatory as it is soaked in their orientalism.
Other Orientalism of the Portuguese
Allochronism being less in degree, the Portuguese orientalism is certainly distinct from the British, French, or American experiences. It is established that the Portuguese hit the imagination of Europe about the East as the 16th and the 17th centuries circulated images from Portuguese travel narrative representing the Asian societies in Europe. By the end of the 17th century, discourses about Asia furnishing certain ideas and views of its societies were already relatively current across Europe. Fernao Lopes de Castanheda’s , Joa de Barros’ , and Gaspar Correia’s expansion chronicles that were written mainly in the first half of the 16th century depicted the Portuguese presence mainly in India and were concerned with the need to show how powerful the emergent empire was. Indeed we can discern a Portuguese imperial gaze in the above works. Fernao Lopes de Castanheda , Gapar Correia and Afonso Albuquere himself write that the Portuguese could control the natives without any recourse to violence because of the policy of inter-marriage/ Politica dos Casamentos (miscegenation) which was thought to eventually incorporate the Goans into the dominant Portuguese culture and society through a creation of a class of mixed blood who would be loyal to the state. Many travelers uncritically accepted and disseminated the image of harmonious Goa. This harmony is inscribed in the image ‘ Goa Dourada’ (Golden Goa). one can trace this picture of Goa from Albuquerque to Linschoten, Thevenot , Giovanni Francesco Gemelli Carreri , Pietro della Valle, Samuel Purchas , Abbe Carre , and contemporary historian like Hernani Cidade and Jaime Cortesao. 
This orientalism succeeded in constructing Goa as the other India. This means Goa emerged as a space of difference within India. Indeed, Goa become the capital of the Portuguese possessions in the East. During the liberation debate Portuguese dictator Slazar argued that Goa was the province of Portugal and Goans were Portuguese citizens. He further stated this province was in existence for four fifty years and India as a nation was of recent origin.
Dynamic Cross-pollination of Portuguese Orientalism
Portuguese orientalism like other orientalisms cannot be viewed from an essentialist, positivist, reductionist and overly homogenized framework. Such an approach occludes the dynamic cross-pollination and hybridization every shade of orientalism and results from an academic myopia. It evolved in relation and interaction with other orientalims and their impact on the contexts in the colonies. Hence, it is important for us to discern the subtle dynamism that shaped Portuguese orientalism.
Orientalism as a Fusion of Horizons
Knowledge as the product of a detached, dispassionate and neutral researcher is no longer tenable. The notion of objective and value free knowledge has come under increasingly critical scrutiny in the light of developments in Hermeneutics. Following Martin Heidegger , we have come to accept that understanding is the fundamental way of being in the world. Hans George Gadamer takes this insight further and teaches that one cannot avoid being involved in interpretation by virtue of one’s historical situated-ness (facticity of ones being-in-the world). Gadamer locates the ills that affect our quest for objectivity in enlightenment. He teaches that enlightenment thought displays the prejudice against prejudice. He clearly points out that our understanding is condition by the past (our tradition), as well as our present circumstances and agendas (prejudices). The prejudice derives itself from what Gadamer calls ‘effective history’ that is our historical situated-ness that provide the basic framework that facilitates understanding. Our prejudice is never really purely individual since it remains constrained by the past interpretations of our traditions. This is why we cannot accuse Gadamer of crass subjectivism or relativism.
This means one cannot understand anything without relating to ones being-in-the world. There is no universal bird’s eye view or God’s vantage point for anyone. Meaning results from the fusion of horizons. The interpreter’s horizon is fused with the horizon of the author. There is no univocal meaning. In this sense, there is no univocal orientalism. Different orientalisms are born in their interactions of diverse European traditions with the Eastern traditions. Thus, for instance, the mis-identification of the than ‘Hindu’ Goddess as exotic image of Mother Mary and the temple as a Christian church by Vasco de Gamma clearly demonstrates how a fusion of horizons of two distinct traditions results in the emergence of Portuguese orientalism. Alito Sigueira and Alexander Henn greet this moment as the emergence of early modernity where a Portuguese is confronted by otherness, which he in the beginning assimilates into sameness.
Portuguese Orientalism as Isogetical
Following Gadamer , we must admit that meaning is isogetical in so far as it involves an unconscious reading into the text. There is a degree of isogensis or reading into and therefore prejudicing aspects of the encounter with another tradition. But this isogensis is never arbitrary. In this context, it seems more appropriate to speak of what Gilbert Ryle and Clifford Geertz call ‘thick description.’ A‘thick description’ is one that contains high degree of contextual richness-that is, an attention to the socio-cultural and historical circumstances which contribute to the meaning of an event.
This would mean that there is a continuous to and fro interaction that encounter of the Portuguese lusophonic tradition with Goan culture as well as indic culture at large that symbiotically produced what we call the Portuguese lusotopical orientalism. Thus, orientalism does not result from isolationism and never remains strictly monolithic. All forms of Portuguese orientalisms were the result of cross fertilization. Thus, it is an immersion of the lusotopical tradition that emerged into a complex lusitanized tradition that we might call Portuguese orientalism. Thus, like every other orientalism, the Portuguese orientalism is also construction of the orient that is at the narcissistic best in the creation of a superior Europe.
Orientalizing Dynamics of the Portuguese Orientalism
Orientalizing the orient was not just the project of European. It was also the orientals who participated in the orientalizing the orient. There is no pure orient any more. What exists is an orientalized orient. Hence, we must get out of occidentosis (the pathological attitude to blame all ills on the west). The very fact that we in Goa tolerated the Portuguese rule for 450 years compels us to realistically look at our contribution to the construction of the colonial relations. This will certainly save us from extremely crass Occidentalism (dehumanizing picture of the west as painted by its enemies). Homi Baba teaches that the appropriation of the master discourse by the native is a form of resistance that takes the shape of mimicry and parody of colonial authority.
Acceptance of Asymmetrical Power Relations
Goan remained colonized for four hundred fifty years. The issue of the subjection of the Goans to the foreign rule for a long time is also an important issue to contemplate. How could Goa tolerate the foreign rule for such a long time? This acceptance of the asystmetrical power relation as normal and natural also has a Goan contribution. The work of Jacques Ranceire might give us some insight into the question under our consideration. Ranciere teaches that the child has a natural capacity to learn his mother tongue without a teacher. The child understand the distribution of the sensible in his context. Hence, learning a mother tongue is a political act. Though a child inserts itself in the sign system of its context in a random manner yet he learns to accept its own place in the scheme of its context as he learns to speak it own mother tongue.
Now following the insights of Ranciere, we can certainly understand how Goans learn to accept an asymmetrical power relation and tolerated the colonial rule. This orietalization of the Goan is described in the twentieth century as denationalization of Goans by Dr. Tristao de Braganza Cunha . This means Goans also joined in the project of orientalization and ended up accepting their subjection without any question. Some even saw it as a progressive step which became the foundation Goa Dourada Paradigm. Dr. Tristao de Braganza cunha further accuses the church as doubly denationalized based on his own subjection to the British orientalism which led to evolution of the concept of India as a nation. We can also trace similar indebtedness to British orientlism earlier in the work of Gerson de Cunha. Goa indica is born out of such a British orientalism.
The intrusion of few select Portuguese words into the Mando that were composed during the Portuguese era also indicates the orientalization of Goans. Selects words like felicade, igrand, adeus, etc have become Mando, showing how Konkani, the mother tongue of Goans was orientalized. But is interesting that after the liberation new composition of Mando exhibits a purging of Portuguese words. We can also similarly, trace a movement of cleansing of Portuguese words from liturgy after liberation. Thus, we have cummunao became kristprasad, padri became Iadnik, altar became Vedi etc. This suggests that the dominant sections in Goa under colonization lusofonized themselves and then recycled or invented themselves through Bristish orientalism. The Indian Government continued the Portuguese education for some time till liberation it was the Goans who choose English education against the Portuguese leading to closure of the institutions that imparted Portuguese Education. This is nothing but exchange of orientalisms. We can still find shades of this exchange dynamism even today with regards to the controversy that surrounds medium of instruction. Post-colonially, Goans seem to have engaged in the politics of exchange of British Orientalisms between the two Hindus and the Christians and both together share a lusitanized orientalism that forgets that the Muslims have a legitimate share in the story of Goa.
Double Orientalization of the Goans
The orientalization of Goans is complex and dynamically intertised and intertwined with the British orientalism as well as pre-Portuguese Goan culture. There has been to and fro intermingling of these orientalisms and hence one must agree that Goans are doubly orientalized. There is a symbiotic relations between the orientalized India and the lusophhonized Goa. They seem to overlap and penetrate each other. That is why Goans occupy a special status among the orientalized orientals. Hence, Goa has been always and still remains other India.
It is not easy to articulate the complexity of the dynamic mobility and migration of these two orientalisms. The evolution of caste and Hinduism might demonstrate this dynamism. How they evolve travel and re-inscribe both in Goa and the rest of India that united into a country under the British orientalism has to be studied with attention. It is difficult to place an Archimedean point or a firm ground for the exchange of these orientalisms. Yet there is certainly a complex interweaving of the different threads and fibers of these two orientalisms , though one might not find a perfect transfusion between the two.
Among the ideas in motion caste , Hinduism, nationalism have evolved as result of inter-relations of the two orientalisms. Nicholas B. Dirks demonstrates that Caste as we know it today is the product of British colonization. Indeed caste is not something that survived unchanged from ancient times into our country. It is under the British that ‘caste’ become a single term capable of expressing , organizing, and above all ‘systematizing’ India’s diverse forms of social identity, community and organization. Caste organization certainly became a cultural technology that served British colonization of India. This means caste system of today is a product of British orientalism. But the Portuguese are credited to the use of the term casta to refer to the social stratification they encountered in the 16th century when they colonized the then pockets of our country. It has been argued that Portuguese had a rather broader idea of the social order they conceptualized as casta. Dirks reports of a travel narrative of 16th century Portuguese Duarte Barbosa who speaks of the threefold caste hierarchy of the Kshatriyas, Brahmins, and the Sudras with the ksatriyas on top of the hierarchy. This narrative seem to have credibility as legend of Parashurama is based on the defeat of the Kshatriyas. Even D. D Kosambe seem to merge caste into loosely viewed class in its origin. This perhaps explains why only three castes have survived among the Catholics in Goa even against the spirit of Christianity till today. Some opine that the Vaishya got merged with Kshatriyas among the Christians. This view is contested by Pissurlenkar who the Chardos originated from the converted Marathas.  The work of Fr. Ignazio Arcamone’s , De Sastana Peninsula, a commentary on the Peninsula of Salcete written in 1664 describes the caste geography of Salcete The vocabularies that were developed in the College of Salcete also give us an information of caste system in Salcete. Caste is certainly one body politics, that racism, refuses to die.
Scholars of repute like Rumilla Thapar demonstrate that the evolution of monolithic Hinduism reached its high point in the 19th century. Hence, Hinduism as we know it today is also a child of colonization. I have argued else where that it is an epistemological error to reduce the pre-Hindu religions, cults or sects like Shaivism, Vashnavism, Saktism and cults like Nathism, Betal or Vetal, Malikarjun, Sateri etc under a Hinduism which unified them in the 19th century. Such a reductionism and ahistorical approach is a hindu-ology. We can also say the same thing about the nationalism that developed in 20th century in our country. It constructed the view of our glorious past not as a logical fulfillment but in an evocative sense to build a sense of we-feeling among our countrymen.
Challenges and Opportunities to the Church in Goa
The other orientalism that we have studied opens a new window on our country. It can help us understand our society particularly in Goa. We have show how a clash of orientalisms has become an inevitable part of our society in Goa. While we seek a response to our realities it is important to discern these various orientalisms that are operating and come to understand the challenges they pose and opportunities they offer.
Challenge to Take Charge of our History
The history of Goa and the history of Goan Christianity is not free from orientalism. The colonial historiography with its Goa Dourada Paradigm tends to convert the pre-Portuguese Goa into a tabula rasa. The reactionary historiography that took shape in the Post-colonial times with its paradigm Goa Indica, strives to present pre-Portuguese Goa as Konkan Kashi, the holy land of the Hindus. Such a historiography views colonization and subsequent conversion only from the narrow religious point of view. Thus, in painting of the Pre-Portuguese Goa as Hindu, there is a direct attempt to turn the historical facts about conversion against the Church and the Christians of Today. This political motive of appropriating Goan history is highly reductionist and distortionist in its approach. I have described these attempts as Hindu-ology . in fact even the Word Hindu does not exist in the entire sixteenth century indo-Portuguese historiography.
That is why the Christian in Goa have the imperative to lay their claim on their own History. It important to assert that we have not come from Hinduism of today but the then fragmented cults that today have been steadily assimilated into Hinduism of today. The temples that were destroyed were not the Hindu temples but of this smaller, different and independent cults and religions which were often at war with each other. Prior to the 15th century , there was no conflict between the Vaishnavaites and the Shaivites in Goa. But with the conversion of some of the Vaishnavites to the Dvaita Philosophy of Madhvachrya the Saraswat community in Goa got divided into Vaishnavites (Madhavas) and Shaivites Smartas. In the absence of this critical discourse about the different pre-hindu cults, the gap is filled by the reductionist, hinduo-ology.
Challenge to Respond to the De-historicized condition of Theology in our Country
There is a forgetting of history in our theologizing in India. There seems to be a discomfort to deal with the colonial past that we have inherited. The colonial experience is conveniently bracketed by our Indian theologians. But this theological vacuum is speaking loudly and perhaps has become a major hurdle to dialogue with the majority of countrymen. Hence, it is important to bring about a response of faith to our colonial experience. Felix Wilfred sees the distancing of the Indian theologians from the colonial past is a way of delegitimizing it. He sees colonialism as an estrangement of West from the spirit of Christianity and asserts that colonialism cannot be reconciled with compassion and humanism of Christianity. But the colonial cloud cannot be allowed to disfigure the face of Christ. In this noble task, we in Goa have a great opportunity as we are uniquely positioned to theologize in the context of our colonial experience.
We have a theology of inculturation. But we seem to forget our history. A society that forgets its history is condemned to repeat its mistakes as well as become victim of the political exploitation of history. In this task, we in Goa can generate an uniquely creative theological response to the colonial experience that would illumine our country as well as the entire Asian continent. In this context, Rachol Seminary has a special Imperative to work to occupy the theological vacuum created by our de-historicized theology. This theological imperative can be viewed within the call for new evangelization given by the universal church. We have presented Jesus as a teacher, healer and social worker though the power of our institutions. We can already notice the collapse of our institutional power as we find better and efficient competitors for our schools, hospitals and charity centers. Hence, a fresh theological energy might ignite new ways of evangelizing ourselves and our society.
Therapeutic Dialogue with the Hindu Community in Goa
The exchange of orientalisms that we have discerned in this study is a sign of a wounded society. The Hindu community of today is still haunted by the loss of brotherhood due to conversion under colonization. Conversion is not merely and exchange of Gods but an interrogation of the tradition that one exchanges for another. Hence, trauma of loss of brotherhood is being re-enacted in Goan society. One community seems to have forgotten while the second remembers the pain of separation. Yet the second community forgets that it is not ahistorical and has changed and evolved over period of time. Indeed it is paradoxical that both the communities in Goa exhibit an amnesia that affects both of them. This gap afflicts the Goan Society and is primarily responsible for the politics of identity that has been played on the soil of Goa for the past fifty years.
The claims about forced conversions, demolishing of the Hindu temples abound in the narratives of the post-colonial historiography mainly authored by the Hindu historians in our days. Though the temples that were demolished were not Hindu but one that belonged to different cults that have united into Hinduism of today the Hindu community is certainly carrying the pain of this false impression. Similarly, the pain of conversion and separation is real though the conversions took place from the fragments of the religious cults of 16th and 17th century. The Christians too having forgotten their own origins are wounded and continue to be victims of the aggression of their Hindu counterparts. Hence, there is an inevitable need of dialogue that can heal wounded memories in our Society.
Challenge to Theologize on the Shores of Colva and Calangute
Goa is certainly other India. Its unique cultural otherness and natural beauty has become a major tourist attraction after liberation. Being insulated from the rest of the mainland for four hundred and fifty year it seems to have fired the imagination of our fellow Indians as an unspoiled virgin . It is almost seen as place outside time and has become a hot spot for international tourists. The need to develop tourism infrastructure has become the boon for the real estate barons and five star hoteliers. All this developments have disrupted traditional Goan Culture which seems to survive in a commodified avtara. Besides it has led to the alienation of land from the traditional owners as a result of high inflation. The drug trade, the flesh trade, casino gambling, HIV infection, Child, Abuse and Alcohol abuse is already exposing the dark side of tourism in Goa. The enclave tourism that is showing its ugly face in Goa is de-goanizing Goa. The fact that some of our Goan beaches today are known by Russian names is enough to drive home the de-goanizing dimension of the kind of tourism that we are promoting.
Therefore, the Church in Goa has a profound imperative to respond in faith to phenomenon of tourism in Goa. We can already see some steps initiated in this direction. The founding of the Center for responsible tourism, the consultation for the development Curriculum of theology of tourism are important steps in this direction. Ecumenical Coalition for the Third World Tourism (ECOT) and some Protestant groups like Serampore College in West Bengal are already making great effort to develop a theology of tourism. The Great Rachol Seminary cannot remain behind in this effort. Theological as well as pastoral formation of our seminarian to meet the challenges of the pastoral care of tourism is both urgent and inevitable.
Challenge to Theologizing on the Mining Dumps of Sanguem and Bicholim
The first reference to the presence of mineral content in Goan soil dates back to the 16th century. It is reported that a Dutch traveler, John H. V. Linschoten has written that in Goa there are stones containing iron. He also opines that scientists had indicated that gold and copper might be also found in those stones. Fonseca in his book, Historical and Archeological Sketch of Goa, in 1878 notes that Iron in Bage, Sattari, Pernem and in the province of Zamboulim. He also clarifies that since no adequate scientific exploration is not done the above is not a total representation of the entire mineral picture of Goa.  The prospecting of iron and manganese and manganese ore as early as 1905, though regular iron ore export begun 1947 and reached its momentum in 1949. In 1905, few French and German companies had carried out iron and manganese ore prospecting in Goa. But the outbreak of the first world war mining activity simply came to a halt only to begin in 1947. The 23 mining leases given by the Portuguese Government were continued by free India.  The concessions given by the Portuguese were converted into mining leases by the parliament of India in 1987. 
Today mining is mostly concentrated in three talukas, namely Bicholim, Quepem and Sanguem. The Center for Science and Environment says that about 400 mining leases were granted in Goa till 2002-2003 covering 10.5 % of the total geographical area of Goa. The excessive mining activities that led to the faulting of all regulating green laws led to the depletion of the forest cover and displaced wildlife. Selaulim and Bicholim rivers have become polluted and are choked with silt of mining rejects. Rivers Mondovi and Zuari are said to be contaminated with arsenic. Mining has steadily made inroads into eco-sensitive zones like Goa’s wild life sanctuaries.  The Shah Commission appointed by the central Government exposed the illegal mining in Goa leading to the BJP Government imposing a ban on mining which was upheld by the Supreme Court at the behest of an NGO, Goa Foundation. This has brought a great debate on mining as many mining dependent people took to the streets. Within these complexities the Church has the responsibility to bring the light of faith in context of mining in Goa.
Reaching out to the Goan Diaspora
Until 1961 Goans migrating to any part of India had to cross international boundaries . Migration from Goa has a long history and is documented at least from the 16th century on words. Thus, we have the Catholics Goans migrating into Magalore from the 16th century on words . There was and there is both in migration as well as out migration from Goa. The Hindus have also migrated out of Goa but their scale and pattern was different from the catholic migration. The Portuguese Estado da India was originally conceived as stretching to Cape Of Good Hope in Africa to far East. But in the course of the four centuries due the competition with other European powers, the Estado progressively shrunk. These and other reasons, particularly because of lack of agricultural and industrial development in Goa, led to the economic deterioration of Goa and simultaneously there came up external job opportunities outside Goa. In the absence of indigenous people familiar with the western concepts of administration Goans were preferred in many colonies in Africa. But most of the migrants from Goa as well as other parts of India were unskilled labourers recruited during the building of Railway. In the same way the development of international shipping opened possibilities of many Goan opting to become seamen. Today we have a sizeable Goan Diaspora across the Globe.
The continuous migration of the Catholics through Portuguese citizenship is another factor along with the family planning that has led to the downsizing of the catholic population in Goa. Though the pattern of migration is highly complex even in our days yet it requires to be studied and pastoral strategies need to be devised to deal with the same. Today this migratory movement has produced a global Catholic Goan Diaspora. The large catholic migrant community certainly offers new challenges as well as opportunities for the church to reach out in pastoral care to Goan Catholic Diaspora.
Our study has shown how the lusoptopical orientalism opens another widow on India as well as Goa. We have come to realize that Goa exhibits a kind of exchange of orientalisms in our post-colonial times. This is perhaps the cause by amnesia afflicting both the Christians and the Hindus in Goa. The Christians have no memory of their conversion, while the Hindus have also forgotten that they have evolved and changed as we march into the 21st century. Hence, there is an urgent imperative to generate a therapeutic dialogue that can respond to the wounded memories that disturbs our society in Goa. More over the otherness of Goa along with its natural beauty that is being exploited to promote mass tourism needs a theological response. The Church in Goa has this great opportunity develop a theology that would generate effective pastoral care of the people of God affected and afflicted by mass tourism and mechanized mining. The migration and the growing presence of a large international Catholic Goan community offers profound opportunity to devise new ways of reaching out to them as well as get them to help the church projects at home.
 Edward W. Said, Orientalism (New York: Vintage, 1979).
 Dipes Chakraborty, Provincializing Europe: Postcolonial Thought and Historical Difference ( New Jersey : Princeton University Press, 2000)
 Afonso de Albuquerque declared with Pride that he has converted Goa “ the mother of the whole India” See Relatorio Annuario de Administacao do Concelho da Illhas (Pnajim ; Impressa National, 1904), p. 762. Life in Goa in during the early period of the Portuguese conquest is described in the book, A Summa Oriental of Prince D. Afonso who came to Goa in 1511 as Factor of Drugs. See P.P. Shirodkar ‘Socio-Cultural Life in Goa During 16th Century” in Charles J. Borges and Helmut Feldmann,, Goa and Portugal : Their Cultural Links (New Delhi: Concept Publishing Company , 1997), p. 24. Tome Pires also described the life and the People of Goa during the early period of colonization. He also describes the practice of Sati and how women who refused to subject to it were driven to become devadasis (Dancing temple girls) See Armando Cortesao, Ed., A Suma Oriental de Tome Pires e o Livre de Francis Rodrigues (Coimbra: University of Comibra, 1978), p. 14. Brazilian Ana Cristina Santos Parrieras says that Goa is more like Brazil rather than the rest of India. see Fatima Da Silva Gracias ‘’ the Impact of Portuguese Culture on Goa: Myth or Reality, in Charles J. Borges and Helmut Feldmann, Goa and Portugal, p. 42. Similarly the otherness of Goans form the rest of Indians is articulated by Monahar Malgonkar and is attributed to the Portuguese colonizers. See Manahar Malgonkar, Inside Goa(Goa: 1982),p.18.
 http://www.ispionline.it/it/documents/From%20Orientalism%20to%20Occidentalism.pdf accessed on 8th Feb 2013.
 http://www.ispionline.it/it/documents/From%20Orientalism%20to%20Occidentalism.pdf accessed on 15th June 2013.
 See Ian Buruma and A vishai Margalit, Occidentalism: the West in the Eyes of Its Enemies (New Delhi : Penguin Books, 2004).
 http://escholarship.ucop.edu/uc/item/1dj093nw accessed on 8th June 8, 2013.
 Flipa Lowndes Vicente, Other orientalisms: India Between Florence and Bombay, 1860-1900 (New Delhi: Orient Black Swan, 2012).
 http://www.goanobserver.com/archive/27-11-2004/globalgoan.htm.accessed on May 4, 2013.
 http://www.jstor.org/discover/10.2307/483320?uid=3738256&uid=2&uid=4&sid=21101981288643 accessed on May 4, 2013
 http://www.lusotopie.sciencespobordeaux.fr/siqueira.pdf accessed on May 4, 2013.
 Franz Fanon makes sociological study of Psychology of racism using the theory of psychoanalysis. See Frantz Fanon, Black Skins and white Masks (London: Pluto Press, 1986). We cannot apply directly Fanons ideas the Portuguese orientalism as it has its origin in the pre-enlightenment Portugal.
 See Johannes Fabian, Time and the Other : How Anthropology Makes its Object (New York: Columbia University Press, 2003), pp. xi-xi.
 Ibid, p. 32.
 I use the term ‘ Hindu’ in inverted commas because there was no Hinduism of today in those days what was there were different cults that today have united in monolithic pan Indian Hinduism.
 See Bento Graciano D’souza; Goan Society in Transition: a Study in Social Change (Bombay: Popular Prakashan, 1975), p. 148.
 Delio de Mendonca, Conversions and Citizenry:Goa under Portugal 1510-1610 (New Delhi: Concept Publishing Company , 2008), p.41.
 Ines Zupanov, Disputed Missions: Jesuit Experiments and Brahmanical Knowledge in Seventeenth Century India ( New York: University Press, 2001) Also see John Correia-Afonso, Jesuit Letters and Indian History 1542-1773 (New York : Oxford University Press, 1969). This works attempt to expose what has been also termed as catholic orientalism.
 Pearson, M. N. Merchants and Rulers in Gujarat: The Response to the Portuguese in the Sixteenth Century. New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers, 1976.
Also see ———. The Portuguese in India. The New Cambridge History of India I.1. Hyderabad: Orient Longman Limited, 1990.
http://www.thefreelibrary.com/Rupture+and+continuity+in+colonial+discourses%3a+the+racialized…-a0122767916 accessed on May 5, 2013.
 Salazar, Oliveira. “Goa and the Indian Union: The Portuguese View.” Foreign Affairs 34, no. 3 (1956): 418–431.
 See Richard Palmer, Hermeneutics: Interpretation in Scheiemacher, Dilthey, Heidegger and Gadamer (Evanston: North Western University Press, 1969), p. 33.
 Hans Georg Gadamer, Truth and Method (New York: Seabury Press, 1975), p. 267.
 Ibid, p. 268.
 http://www.oldnewspublishing.com/dagamma.htm, accessed on 9, May 2013.,
 Clifford Geetrz, The Interpretation of Cultures (New York: Basic Books, 1973). P.6.
 Goody, The Logic of Writing and the Organization of society (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1986) p. 21.
 Today we have some reactionary revolts to conversion drive like the one in Cuncolim in 1583 is being appropriated as the first freedom struggle. http://www.mangalorean.com/news.php?newstype=broadcast&broadcastid=50760 accessed on 1st July 1, 2013.
The real revolt against the Portuguese rule took place in 1787. Unfortunately , this momentous period in Goa’s history is only in J H da Cunha Rivera’s, A Conjuracao de 1887em Goa e Varias Causas desse Tempo, thanks to Dr Celsa Pinto’s new book, Revolt of the Natives of Goa, 1787, the orientalized perspective on the event is challenged. See extract of the book published in “Panorama: the Sunday Reading Journal”, The Navhind Times, Sunday June 30, 2013.
 Charles Bingham and Gert J.J. Biesta, with Jacques Ranciere, Jacques Ranciere: Education, truth, Emancipation (London: Continuum International Publishing Group 2010), pp.53-59.
 The primeval history of Goa is shaped by the people like the Gavdas , Kunbis ( Kols, Mundas and Ouraons) and the poor peasants who tilled the land and helped the advancement of the mode of agriculture production from the days of early humankind. Rock engravings of these ancients settlers in Goa are found in Usgalimol in Sanguem Taluka and Mauxi in Satari Taluka in Goa by the Archeological Survey of India. Goa later was populated by the Dravidians and the Aryans. It was ruled by various dynasties, some local and others from the neighbouring states of Maharastra or Karnataka. Beginning with the Mauryas, the Satvhanas, Chutus, Kshatrapas, Abiras, Kalachuris Bhojas, Kaikeyas, Konkan Mauryas, Guptas, Sendrekas, Chalukyas of Badami, Rastrakuttas, Shilaharas, Kadambas, Hoysalas, Yadavas, of Devagiri, Delahi Sultans, Nawab of Honavar, Bahamanis, Vijaynagar and the Adil Shah of Bijapur, held sway over the whole or parts of Goa during their hay days. These ruled Goa as emperors or feudatories of other emperors. Some were also independent rulers. see Fr Cosme Jose Costa, The Heritage of Govapuri : A Study of the Artifacts in and Around the Pilar Seminary Museum (Pilar: Pilar Publications, 2002), pp. 2-4. All these rulers made their mark on Goa. Indeed, both territorially as well as socio-historically Goa is not a timeless and has evolved into what we now know as Goa because of its pre-colonial past, colonial past and the post colonial present. We can notice a strong influence of Marathi as well as Kannada on Goa. even the names of some villages in Salcete Taluka bear Kannada linage. The villages of Benaulim, Babolim, Carambolim, Cortalim, Panelim, Talaulim, Navelim, Zamboaulim etc., have the Portuguese corruption of the Kannada word halli as their suffix in the form of alim, olim or elim. Halli in Kannada means Village. Kandu (Forest) and Kona (Bison), both Kannada words come to mean a forest abounding with bison. Hence we have Canacona. See P. D. Xavier, Goa a Social History (Panaji: Rajhauns Vitaran, 2010), p. 5.
 Nicholas B. Dirks Castes Of the Mind: Colonialism and the Making of Modern India (Delhi: Permanent Black, 20002), p.
 Ibid, p.19.
 Historical chronicles and holy texts, such as the Konkanakhya and the Skanda Purana, (were used to reconstruct the historical immigration and settlement of Brahmins in Goa) were used to recall the mythology of Parashurama, the martial avatara of the great Hindu god Vishnu, who, according to the legend, once claimed the land of Goa from the sea by shooting his seven arrows into the ocean. These efforts eventually, found its condensation in the image of Goa as a “ Konkan Kashi ”, through which Hindu nationalists, in the post-liberation time, attempted to equal the religious significance of the history of ‘Hindu’ Goa with that of historical Benares. Today the legend of Parashurama and the origin of the land of Goa has been given a decent burial as new archaeological research uncovered the stone age of Goa. See Victor Rangel-Rebeiro, Ed., Goa Apranta Land Beyond the End (Vasco de Gama: Goa Publications, 2008), p. 13.
 Anant Ramkrishna Sinai Dhume, The cultural History of Goa : From 10000 B. C.-1352 A. D (Panjim: Broadway Publisher 1986), p. 3.
 A. B de Braganza Pereira, “O Sistema das Castas”, O Oriente Portugues, 1920, 17 (1,2), p. 41.
 P. Pissurlencar, “ O Elemento Hindu da Casta Chardo “, O Oriente Portugues, 1936, 12-13, PP. 203-232.
 Romilla Thapar, “ Imagined Religious Communities ? Ancient History and the Modern Search for a Hindu Identity ”, Modern Asian Studies (Cambridge, UK , 1989), XXIII (2), pp. 209-231., also see Romilla Thapa, Cultural Pasts: Essays in Early Indian History (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2010), pp.102-1054.
 Most scholars agree about the non-Vedic origin of Shaivism. This is perhaps the reason why the priests in the Shavite temples in Goa and the Deccan are usually non-Brahmin and are called Guruvas. The well known Shavite sacred places like Gudimallan (Andhra Pradesh), Trimbakeswar and Walkeshwar are located respectively in tribal belt of the district of Nashik and Mumbai, in Maharashtra. Aspects of Shiva as Mangesh and Nagesh have their origin in Goa. The Gavdas were closely associated with these deities in Goa. The Velips of Canacona who worshiped Mallikarjun are also closely associated with Shiva. The worship of Shiva can be traced from about 5th century A D. Places that were associated with Lord Shiva are Harmal (Pedne Taluka), Haravale ( Bicholim Taluka), Sivoli (Bardez Taluka), Shivapur (Ponda taluka). It has been suggested that Shivapur is the present Shiroda. The Kadamba dynasty was the strong patron of Shaivism. Shiva was worshiped as a family deity and was invoked as Saptakoteshwar by the Kadambas. It is said that the three shrines of Shaivism (somnath) were built in Bardez during the Kadamba era but were later destroyed by the Portuguese in the 16th century. Only three temples of Kadamba Period have survived. These were: Saptakoteshwar of Opa (Ponda Taluka) Curdi Mahadeva temple which is transplanted from the site of selaulim dam project by the Archeological Survey of India. Tambdi surla Mahadeva temple. The Kadambas had also built the Saptakoteshwar temple in Diwar but was destroyed during the muslim invasion and was later re-built by the rulers of the Vijaynagara empire. It is said that Shaivism had the largest following in Goa. See V. R. Mitragotri, Socio Cultural history of Goa from Bhojas to Vijaynagar ( Panjim: Institute Menezes Braganza, 1999), pp.108-112.
 There is a suggestion that the Vaishnavaite tradition spread into Goa during the Satavahanas rule over Goa. But the earliest evidence of Vaishnavism as far as Goa is concerned emerges from Vadgaon Madhavpur in Belguam District . From Goa the earliest reference to worship of Vishnu in Goa are found in the Bhoja copper plates of Devaraja which are Paleographicaly dated to C. 400 A.D. Vishnu is invoked as Narayana and hence many villages bear their name from it. Thus, the village of Narve is said to be the corruption of Narayana. Narayana is abbreviated as Naru and from it came Narve. In Naroa, Navelim and Bicholim there are Lakximi- Narayan temples. So also there are similar temples in Mopa, Sarmal and Virnoda of Pedne taluka. In the Tiswadi taluka there were five Narayana shrines, four in Bardez and thirteen in Salcete. All these twenty two shrines are said to be destroyed by the Portuguese in the sixteenth century. In the Cola village of Canacona taluka, there is a temple of Narayana. Vishnu is also invoked as Kesava. There are two shrines of Kesava in Priol (Ponda) and Loilem (Canacona). Vishnu is also worshiped as Vamana and Trivikrama. The Salcete Taluka had a shrine of Vamana and Trivikrama in Loutolim and Raciam respectively . Another name of Vishnu is Padmanabha and He is worshiped in this name in Cuncoliem Ponda. A stone sculpture of Padmanabha was discovered in a debris of an ancient Temples of Vichundre in Sanguem Taluka. Damodor is another name of Vishnu. It is an epithet of Krishna. The ancient temple of Damodor was in Margao (Mathagram) and was destroyed by the Portuguese in the 16th century and was reconstructed in Jambavalim. Vishu is also invoked as Narasimha. In Goa, there were two shrines of Narasimha: Shankhavli (Sancole) in Salcete taluka and Daugim in Tiswadi Taluka in Tiswadi taluka. Both these shrines were said to be destroyed by the Portuguese in the 16th century. There is a tradition that the devotees of Narashima reconstructed the image of Lakshmi Narasimha at the end of the 16th century and consecrated it in Veling Ponda. The only reclining stone image of Vishnu known as Ananta is found in Priol Ponda that is why the Ponda region is called Antruz . Parasurama is the sixth of the ten incarnation of Vishnu. The legend of Parasurama is famous in the whole of the West coast. In the Painguinim village of Canacona, there is a temple of Parasurama. There were two shrines of Rama in Goa. One that was in Pilgaon was destroyed by the Mugals in the 17th century while the other shrine of Rama and Krishna was in Cuncolim village in Salcete and was also destroyed by the Portuguese in the 16th century . During the last decade of the 15th century, some of the Sarasvats were converted to the Davaita sect. Villages of Madakai and Vovoi have the shrines of Ramapurush. A large stone plaque of hanuman with no ornamentation was found in Telaulim and belongs to c. 1400 A. D. North Goa boasted of many temples of Laximi Narayan There is a temple of Mahalakshmi in Bandivade Ponda . The Mahalakshmi temple of Colva (Salcete) was destroyed by the Portuguese in the 16th century. Ibid, pp.98-108.
 Shakti cult can also be traced in Goa. Some scholars say that the Gavdas and Velips worshiped the Goddesses like Sateri, Bumika, Bauka and Kelbai . However the inscriptional evidence of the Shakti worship in Goa is available only from the Boja period only. The Aravale inscription refres to Shiva as Bhavanish, that is the Lord of Goddess Bhavani. The Chalukyas paid homage to Saptamatrikas. The Silaharas and the Kadambhas of Goa were the devotees of Mahalaximi of Kolhapur. In Goa we can trace Mahalaximi temples in Netravali (Sanguem), Bandivade (Ponda), and Colva (Salcete). Mahishasuramardini is said to have became the epitome of shakti worship in Goa. and she is considered to be Sateri, Shantadurga , Mahamaya , Ela (Parvati), Kamakshi , Arya Durga and Nava –durga . Today there is no division between the Vaishnavism and Shaivism in the shakti cult. Ibidpp.113-114.
 Like Buddhism and Jainism, Nath cult was not a revolt against Vedic religion. It is reported that Nath cult is said to have spread in Goa by c. 1200 A. D. Nath Panthis were worshipers of various forms of Shiva. It is said Chandranath and Nagnath were worshiped in Goa before Nath Panth arrive on the scene. It appears that the local deities were assimilated into Shaivism through the Nath Panth. In the similar fashion Ravalnath and Ramnath who were Shaivite deities got integrated into the Nath Panthi fold. Nath Path was wide spread from the North to South. The shrines of Adinath have been reported in Goa. The Nath Panth shrine of Mallinath on the island of Chudamani (Chorao Tiswadi). After its destruction in the 16th century it was reconsecrated at Marcel in Ponda taluka. There were two shrines of Nath Pathis; Matsyendranath and Gorakhnath. The abode of Nath yogis was called a Math (Monastry). Madgao was called mathgram on account of this Math and not on account of the Math of the Vaishnavite that belonged to the Devaita sect and one that was in the later 15th century and shifted to Partagal after the establishment of the Portuguese Power. Nath Panthis cut rock caves in Diwar, Pilar in Tiswadi , Khandepar, Iswarbhat, Kodar in Ponda, Salulim canal caves, Dharbandoda caves in Sanguem, Aquem and Malangini in Salcete. See Ibid,114-117.
 The lower strata of the Goan Society worshiped spirits. They are namely Mharu, Joting, Devchar. The chief of all spirits was called B(V)etal. The Tall image of Vetal is called Betal and a shorter image is called Vetal. The temples of Betal lined the entire Coastal length of Goa from Paliem and Alorna in the North to Betul in the South. His main shrines are in Assolna, Chinchinim, Carmona, Colva, Utorda and Arossim . Chinchinim had two temples; in one he was honored as Betal and in the other he was worshiped as Aguio-Betal (fiery Betal). In Bardez, he was regarded as the gramdevta or village God of Arjuna, Arpora, Calangute , Nagoa, Siolim, Saligao, Pilerne and Nerul. In serul he was upgraded to Mukidevata or Chief God. See Antonio Mascarenas, Goa From Pre-historic Times (Vasco, 1987), p.16. Betal later got associated with Shaivism.
 There is a shrine of Mallikarjun at Shristal near Canacona in South Goa. This shrine is associated with the backward community called Velips. Four months in a year one of the Velips acts as a priest and rest of the year Chitpavan Brahmins officiate as priests. Antonio Macarenhas in his book, Goa from Pre-historic times, states that Malik arjun is a Shaivite deity and was associated with the kundbis tribe. See Ibid , p.20.
 Sateri is a earth Goddess that was symbolically worshiped at the ant hill in Goa. She became a gramdevi. Sateri of Pilerne is called Pilernkarin in Naroa, in Fatorpa she is honored as Fatorpin and exiled Kunkolkarin of the neighbouring village is in separate shrine. Kutorkarin of Kurtorim is unforgotten in Avedem of Quepem. Taluka. As time passed Sateri got Sanskrtized with Durga and became Shanta-durga. See. R. Mitragotri, Socio Cultural history of Goa from Bhojas to Vijaynagar, pp.135-137.
 Delio de Mendonca, Conversions and Citizenry:Goa under Portugal 1510-1610, p.41.
 See Noel Sheth , “ Conflict and Reconciliation between Hindu Deities Vishnu and Shiva” in Kuruvilla Pandikattu and Andreas Vonach, Eds., Religion, Society and Economics : Eastern and Western Perspectives in Dialogue, European University Series 23, Theology, Vol. 758 ( Frankfurt am Main; Peter Lang, 2003).
 See R. Mitragotri, Socio Cultural history of Goa from Bhojas to Vijaynagar,, p. 108.
 See Victor Ferrao, “Hermeneutics of Authenticity and Edward Said” in George Panthanmackel, Ed., Authentic existence, a Philosophical Probe (Bangalore : Asia Trading Co-operation, 2012), p 381.
 See Felix Wilfred, From the Dusty Soil: Contextual Re-interpretation of Christianity ( Madras: Department of Christian Studies, 1995), pp. 2-3.
 Some seminarians of Rachol did a special study of the enclave tourism of the Israeli Tourists in Goa and published in the Book, Claiming the Right to say No. See ———- Claiming the Right to Say No: A Study on Israeli Tourists Behavior and Patterns (Panjim: Council for Social Justice and Peace, 2009). Also Fr Donato’s paper on the ethics of Tourism, presented in a National Seminar in moral theology, at De Nobile College Pune in Oct. 2012 is another attempt to build a theological response to Tourism. See Donato Rodrigues,, “Ethics and Tourism: the Ethical Challenges of Tourism in Goa” Mimeograph notes , Oct. 2012.
 http://www.digitalgoa.com/eg_disp.php?cid=25&typ=eg, accessed on 26th June 26, 2013.
 http://www.cseindia.org/node/386 accessed on 29 June 2013.
 http://www.vanashakti.in/Goa.pdf accessed on 29 June 2013.
 http://www.cseindia.org/node/386 accessed on 29 June 2013. Also see http://www.vanashakti.in/Goa.pdf accessed on 29 June 2013.
 http://old.cseindia.org/programme/industry/mining/1district_goa.htm accessed on 29 June 2013.
 I made the first attempt in my Book, Being a Goan Christian. See Victor Ferrao, Being a Goan Christian: the Politics of Identity, Rift and Synthesis (Panjim: Broadway Publishers, 2011). The Pastoral letter of the Archbishop of Goa on the occasion of the golden jubilee of liberation of Goa in 2011 is also a very important starting point to developing a theological response to mining in Goa.
 T. R. De Souza , Medieval Goa: Socio-Economic History (New Delhi; Concept Publishing Co, 1979), pp.54-55.
 There already few studies about Goan Diaspora. See Stella Mascarenhas, Colonialism, Migration and the International Catholic Goan Community (Saligao: Goa 1556, 2011), Also See Selma Carvalho, Into the Diaspora wilderness: Goa’s Untold Stories from British Empire to the New World ( Panjim: Broadway Publications, 2010).